The Azusa Street Revival and Twentieth-Century Missions
Gary B.McGee

Revivals Almost Started
Water & Spirit Baptism
Beniah At Crossroad
Genesis of Movement
Azusa Missions
After Azusa Street
William Durham

 

Spiritual awakenings and missionary zeal have long been associated on the American religious scene. Whether one refers to the Haystack Prayer Meeting, which led to the formation of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (1810), or to the Mount Hermon Conference and the later estab­lishment of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Mis­sions (1888), spiritual renewals have triggered fresh attempts to fulfill the Great Commission.

To these awakenings should be added the Azusa Street Re­vival of 190~9, in Los Angeles, California. Sparking one of the greatest spiritual awakenings of the twentieth century, its long-range impact has resulted in millions at home and overseas en­tering the ranks of the Christian church. Oddly enough, it has been largely overlooked by most historians of the expansion of Christianity. Notwithstanding, J. Herbert Kane, a prominent evangelical missions scholar, has appropriately described this movement as "the most vital force in world Christianity. Both here in North America and throughout the world the Pentecostal churches are outstripping all others as far as numerical growth is concerned.,'1 In view of the spectacular number of Pentecostal Christians overseas, now numbering in the tens of millions,2 an assessment of the impact of the Azusa Street Revival, sometimes referred to as "the American Jerusalem," on world missions is appropriate in order to understand its distinctive and contributions. 3

Doctrinal considerations weighed heavily in the events that led to the revival. Concern for world evangelism in "the last days" before the prernillennial coming of the Lord spurred many evangelical Christians to pray ardently for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit to empower believers for proclaiming the gospel.4 Holiness-oriented Christians, maintaining that another definite work of grace in the believer's life followed salvation (and for some, after an additional experience of sanctification), looked for a mighty "baptism in the Holy Spirit" to provide revolutionary apostolic power for Christian witnessing.<

Many viewed the Welsh Revival of 1904~05 and others that followed as the beginning of this outpouring of the Spirit.5 For some, the essential sign of the baptism in the Holy Spirit had become evident in January 1901 during a revival at the Bethel Bible School in Topeka, Kansas. The leader, Charles F. Parham, identified speaking in tongues as the initial evidence for this bap­tism. To Parham and his students, the prophecy of Joel (2:28~29) had been realized in their midst just as the disciples had expe­rienced the power of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. This event, though covered by several newspapers in the region, went largely unnoticed by the larger segment of the American popu­lation. Parham and his followers took their message to other cities in Kansas and Missouri. By 1905 he began to find more success and acceptance in Houston, Texas.

The American Jerusalem

William J. Seymour, a black Holiness preacher and a student of Parham (a white man) in Houston, carried the new message to Los Angeles and became one of the key leaders in the Pentecostal revival, which occurred in a former African Methodist Episcopal Church on Azusa Street.6 The revival proceeded non-stop for three years. Blacks and whites worshiped together. Reports cir­culating from the revival noted that men, women, and children received the Pentecostal baptism and spoke in other tongues Singing, shouting, speaking in tongues, healings, deliverances, and expectancy of Christ's imminent return characterized the ser­vices. News of the revival traveled across the United States as the leaders of the revival published thousands of copies of the Apostolic Faith (a newspaper distributed occasionally between Sep­tember 1906 and May 1908). From coast to coast, expectant be­lievers avidly read the testimonies and teachings in the pages of this and similar periodicals.

Since others have chronicled the events at Azusa Street, our purpose is to examine the revival's impact on world missions.' Three important points need to be considered in this regard.

First, the participants at Azusa Street (Seymour, Florence Crawford, A. C. Garr, et al.) considered their newfound tongues to be the languages of the world. Hence one writer in the Apostolic Faith reported "God has solved the missionary problem, sending out new-tongued missionaries."8 Previously, Parham had interpreted tongues in the same manner and this view gained currency among many early Pentecostals. W. F. Carothers, the field representative for the Apostolic Faith Movement from Zion City, Illinois, wrote cautiously 'circa 1906:  Just what part the gift of tongues is to ifil in the evangelization of heathen countries is matter [sic] for faith as yet. It scarcely seems from the evidence at hand to have had much to do with foreign mission work in New Testament times, and yet, in view of the apparent utility of the gift In that sphere and of the wonderful missionary spirit that comes with Pentecost, we are expecting the gift to le copiously used in the foreign field. We shall soon know.9

Before 1908, however, it had become apparent to most that speak­ing in tongues did not equip people to preach in other languages. Instead they interpreted the phenomenon as being intercession and voicing the praises of God in other languages. In spite of differences about the meaning of the Pentecostal baptism in these early years, all agreed that it brought the empowering of the Holy Spirit for Christian witness.

Second, those who attended the revival services believed that the apostolic "signs and wonders" that had characterized the advance of the early Christians in the book of Acts had been restored in the last days. The gifts of the Spirit, including tongues, interpretations, prophesies, and divine healings were given to aid in the advancement of the gospel. This pneumatological em­phasis, while rejected by many, constituted a unique posture toward the Christian world mission.10 Reliance was to be upon the Spirit, not the mechanical formulations of mission strategists. Such a wholesale return to the apostolic pattern of first-century Christianity was without parallel on the missionary landscape in the early decades of this century.

Third, the enthusiasm for world evangelization spawned a Diaspora of new missionaries even though the leaders of the re­vival did not organize a missionary society. The urgency of thehour, reluctance to rely on the support of a human agency, naiveté about conditions overseas, and the desire to be completely directed by the Spirit may have been the causes that discouraged the establishment of a mission agency.

Many individuals, recently equipped with the power of the Holy Spirit and a new language, left Los Angeles and traveled overseas on "faith" (without pledged support). Significantly, anyone--men and women, clergy and laity, blacks and white-- could be called for this service.1 Those who went often returned disillusioned from their attempted missionary work. Some, how­ever, such as the A. G. Garrs, who traveled first to India and then to China, remained abroad, learning the language and cul­ture of the people whom they wished to evangelize.12 Nevertheless, the initial dispersion of missionaries from Azusa Street is significant for demonstrating the concern for world evangelism and the leveling effect of the revival.

The real impact of the Azusa Street Revival on missions came through others whom it influenced. Although he never visited the revival Thomas B. Barratt learned of the happenings there through correspondence and received his Pentecostal baptism in New York City. Henceforth, Barratt returned home to Norway with the new message. He then carried it to England, Sweden, and other Eu­ropean countries. Pentecostal missionaries from these countries soon traveled overseas. 13

Other personalities touched by the revival included Cecil Polhill, founder of the Pentecostal Missionary Union in Great Britain (l909); 14  Minnie T. Draper, Allan A. Swift, and Christian J. Lucas, founders of the South and Central African Pentecostal Mission (1910); 15 William F. P. Burton and James Salter, founders of the Congo Evangelistic Mission (1915), now the Zaire Evan­gelistic Mission;16 Willis C. Hoover, father of the Methodist Pen­tecostal Church in Chile (1910);~~ 17 Daniel Berg, Gunnar Vingren, Luigi Francescon, Nels Nelson, and Samuel Nystrom, mission­aries to Brazil (1910 and after);18 G. R. Polman, organizer of the Pentecostal Mission Alliance in the Netherlands (1920);19 Charles Hamilton Pridgeon, director of the Evangelization Society of the Pittsburgh Bible Institute (1920); 20 and Paul B. Peterson, founder of the Russian and Eastern European Mission (1927). 21 While his­torian Vinson Synan proposes that "directly or indirectly, practically all the Pentecostal groups in existence can trace their lineage to the Azusa Mission," contemporary indigenous revivals did occur overseas without its tutelage.22

The revival sparked Pentecostal awakenings among other believers across the country concerned about fulfilling the Great Commission in the last days. Among other places, significant revivals occurred in Indianapolis, Indiana; Alliance, Ohio; Roches­ter and Nyack, New York; Dunn, North Carolina; Portland, Or­egon; and Toronto, Canada.

The Azusa Street Revival, though never directly resulting in the founding of an organization or mission society, had long-term effects on existing organizations and new ones that developed later. Holiness bodies from the southeast such as the Pentecostal Holiness Church (1898), 23 the Church of God (Cleveland, Term.; 1886), and the Church of God in Christ (1897) adopted the new Pentecostal theology after their leaders were influenced by the events in Los Angeles.

Many independent Pentecostals across the nation, touched by the Los Angeles revival (either through personal participation, hearing of it from someone who had attended, or by the printed page), eventually organized to achieve their goals more effi­ciently, including the goal of world evangelism.

The first missionary manifesto among independent Pentecostals calling for the establishment of a missionary society surfaced in 1908 at the Pentecostal Camp Meeting in Alliance, Ohio, under the direction of Levi R. Lupton, a Holiness Quaker who experienced the Pentecostal baptism in December 1906. While those in attendance had no interest in establishing another ec­clesiastical organization, they asserted, "such an affiliation of Pentecostal Missions is desirable as will preserve and increase the tender sweet bond of love and fellowship now existing and guard against abuse of legitimate liberty." 25 In the following year (1909), the Pentecostal Missionary Union in the United States of America was formed, with headquarters in Alliance. This effort, however, collapsed a year later.26 Nevertheless, whether through their own initiative or with the encouragement of this agency, over 185 Pentecostals had traveled overseas to engage in mis­sionary evangelism by 1910.

Later successful denominational ventures resulted from the founding and foreign-missions enterprises of the Pentecostal As­semblies of Canada (1919), 27 Pentecostal Church of God (1919), International Church of the Foursquare Gospel (1923), Open Bible Standard Churches (1935),28 and Elim Fellowship (1947). 29 The largest and most successful endeavor in Pentecostal foreign mis­sions has been that of the General Council of the Assemblies of God, organized at Hot Springs, Arkansas, in 1914. The largest and most successful endeavor in Pentecostal foreign mis­sions has been that of the General Council of the Assemblies of God, organized at Hot Springs, Arkansas, in 1914. 30 In addition, independent and para-church ministries (among others, Christ for the Nations,31 Youth with a Mission,32 Last Days Ministries, and Jimmy Swaggart Ministries) have also figured prominently through the years.

Pentecostal Missions Mature

In the years following the Azusa Street Revival and the growth of Pentecostal denominations and independent mission agencies, the efforts to fulfill the Great Commission before the imminent return of Christ have steadily increased.33 Indeed, this future expectation has continued to spur zeal for overseas evangelism.

Reasons for success have included, but are not limited to, the following factors. The first and foremost pattern of Pentecostal missions has been the belief that New Testament Christianity can be restored and that the same signs and wonders that followed the apostolic proclamation of the gospel can be expected today. In this vein, Pentecostal periodicals have reported thousands of miraculous happenings (healings, deliverances, exorcisms) associated with missionary evangelism. Undoubtedly the emphasis on the supernatural has proved to be one of the key elements.34 It is particularly in this arena that Pentecostal missions must be viewed as a distinctive thrust in the Christian world mission of the twentieth century.

It is also important to realize that while Pentecostals have sought for signs and wonders in evangelism, they have left some related theological issues unresolved. For example, questions about the sovereignty of God and the role of signs and wonders in evangelism and local congregations await further study and ar­ticulation.35 Even the modern-day manifestations of the gifts 6f the Spirit, particularly the interpretation of tongues and the use of the word of knowledge, produces disagreement among ad­vocates.

Spiritual manifestations not specifically referred to in the New Testament or mentioned as gifts of the Spirit have also stirred discussion. Such experiences include "slain in the Spirit" (fall­ing under the power of the Spirit).37 and certain perspectives on exorcism.38 The available literature on these subjects has often been largely based on personal experience and lacking in exe­getical precision. More research needs to be done on these phe­nomena and their theological foundations.

The second factor in growth is the gradual emergence over the past eighty years of the articulation of a Pentecostal missiology to guide the missionary enterprise. Though early Pentecostal missionaries often adopted paternalistic approaches, the trend has been toward fostering indigenous churches. In 1921, for example, the Assemblies of God formally committed itself to planting self-governing, self-propagating, and self-supporting churches abroad; this view of foreign missions had been present since the earliest years of the organization.39

The orientation to the indigenous-church strategy probably stemmed in part from the experience of independent Pentecostals who had often been expelled from their former denominations and hence viewed ecclesiastical structure with mistrust. Other influences included the writings of Roland Allen (as well as other advocates of indigenous principles) and their observation of largely independent congregations in the book of Acts evangelizing their own vicinities. Generally, Pentecostal mission agencies have fol­lowed the indigenous pattern.40 This strategy later preserved the fruits of their overseas evangelism in the postcolonial period. 

Pentecostals have excelled as missionary practitioners over the years, but have produced few theorists to weld their theology to missiology. The most notable Pentecostal authority on foreign missions has been Melvin L. Hodges (1909-88), former missionary to Central America and field director for Latin America and the West Indies for the Assemblies of God. His best-known book, The indigenous Church, advocated the application of indigenous principles while at the same time emphasizing that the New Tes­tament church could be established only with the dynamic power of the Holy Spirit. Hodges reveals a clear dependence on the writings of Allen. His fullest exposition of a Pentecostal missiol­ogy came with the publication of A Theology of the Church and its Mission (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1977).

Paul A.Pomerville's The Third Force in Missions (1985), represents another significant milestone in the Pentecostal under-standing of Christian mission. In his opinion, the role of the Holy Spirit in evangelical missions has been victimized by the rationalistic orientation of Protestant scholasticism, which "represents the theological roots of the silence of the Spirit in western missions. The neglect and hemming in of the Spirit is part and parcel of that theological tradition."45 This bold critique asserts that Pentecostalism represents a biblical corrective to the teaching of the kingdom of God held by many.

The third factor prompting growth during the past eighty years has been the leveling influence of Pentecostalism. The minimizing of the clergy laity barrier grew from the belief that the Pentecostal baptism equips every believer for Christian witness. Maynard L. Ketcham, a missionary to Bengal, India, taught in a primitive Bible institute and wrote in 1945: "We are not seeking to make polished preachers who will work for a salary. But we are seeking to properly indoctrinate converts who have a call to minister to their fellow men. We want the lay members of all our churches to be in a position to effectually witness so that each church will be a growing church."42 Therefore, it is not by accident that a Pentecostal organization, the Assemblies of God, has led all other mission agencies in sponsoring overseas theological in­stitutions designed to train national workers. Creative approaches to training have also included the Brazilian Extension School of Theology, the International Correspondence Institute headquar­tered in Brussels, Belgium, and the Christian Training Network based in Miami, Florida.

In addition, Pentecostals have not apologized for the fact that their faith, emphasis on the manifestation of the gifts of the Spirit, and enthusiastic worship have often appealed to the poor rather than to the middle and upper classes, particularly in the third world.

Missionary education, the fourth reason for growth, has progressed from a lack of missiological training, based on an unhealthy suspicion held by some that education might dampen the power of the Spirit in one's ministry, to the development of pro­grams in Bible institutes and colleges providing instruction to prospective missionaries. Finally it has advanced to the level of graduate missiological training provided at such institutions as the Assemblies of God Theological Seminary (1973), California Theological Seminary (1983), CBN University (1977), Church of God School of Theology (1975), and Oral Roberts University (1965). For continuing educati6n, the Assemblies of God has sponsored an annual School of Missions since 1959 for veteran missionaries and a Pre-Field Orientation for new recruits. These developments in training reflect the growing sophistication of Pentecostal mission agencies.

The fifth factor in growth is that the successful pursuit of their objective to evangelize the world has required Pentecostals to take a pragmatic attitude toward organizational development. As their overseas efforts grew, adrninistrative personnel and pol­icies increased. The introduction of strategic planning (overseas theological training, evangelistic crusades, coordinated activities with national church organizations) demonstrated the need for teamwork over individual initiatives.

Despite these changes, Pentecostals have insisted that the key to success in overseas evangelism and in building the indig­enous church has been dependence on the "leading" and dy­namic power of the Holy Spirit. This perspective represents the heart of Pentecostal expansion, although maintaining the balance between human planning and individual direction by the Spirit has sometimes been difficult and generated tensions between agency boards and personnel.43

A Distinctive Movement

Although having considerable theological affinity with other conservative Christians, Pentecostalism has proclaimed a distinctive pneumatology. With the dose of the "Great Century" in Chris­tian missions in 1914, the concomitant emergence of the Pente­costal missionary expansion resulting from the Azusa Street Revival has represented a fresh and distinctive thrust in mission activities of worldwide significance, which must not be relegated to the periphery of evangelical mission efforts.44 Its pneumatological emphasis, coupled with the successful application of indigenous-church principles, has challenged other Christians to reassess their own missiological perspectives.

The history of Pentecostalism cannot be properly understood apart from its vision for overseas evangelism. While not without mistakes and failures in the past eighty years, Pentecostal mission efforts have nevertheless raced to catch up with the strategy of the Spirit: "You will receive power when the Holy Spirit comes on you; and you will be my witnesses. . . to the ends of the earth" (Acts 1:8, N.I.V.).

 

 

 

   

1. J. Herbert Kane, The Christian World Mission: Today and Tonsorrow (Grand Rapids, Mid'.: Baker Book House, 1981), p.261.

2. David B. Barrett, ed., World Christian Encyclopedia (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), p.838.

3. Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Mooement in the United States (Grand Rapids, Mid'.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1971), p.95.

4. Robert Mapes Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited: The Making of Madern Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1979), pp. 79~84.

5. J. Edwin Orr. The Flaming Tongue: Evangelical Awakenings (Chicago:Moody Press, 1973), pp.6568.

6. Douglas J. Nelson, "For Such a Time as This: The Story of Bishop William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival." Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Binningham, England, 1981.

7. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal, pp. 9~116; Anderson, Vision, pp.62-78.

8. Apostolic Faith, November 1906, p.2.

9. W. F. Carothers, The Baptism with the Holy Ghost and the Speik:ing in Tongues (Zion City, Ill.: By the author, 190~7), p.21.

10. See Donald Gee, "Spiritual Gifts and World Evangelization," in Azusa Street and Beyond, ed. L. Grant McClu.ng, Jr. (South Hamilton, N.J.: Bridge Publishing, 1986).

11. Unfortunately, the racial harmony at the Azusa Street Revival diminished in the years that followed. See Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal, pp. l65~84.

12. Betty Gann, comp., The Trailblazer: The History of Dr. A. G. Garr and the Garr Auditorium (Charlotte, N.C.: Garr Memorial Church, 1985).

13. Donald Gee, The Pentecostal Movement: including the Story of the War Years (19~1947) (rev. ed.; London: Elirn Publishing Co., 1949), pp. 11-59, 9~110.

14. Cecil Poihill, "P.M.U.," Confidence, November 1909, pp. 25~54.

15. Gary B. McGee, "Three Notable Women in Pentecostal Ministry," Assemblies of God Heritage, Spring 1986, pp. ~5.

16. William F. P. Burton, God Working with Them: Being Eighteen Years of Congo Evangelistic Mission History (London: Victory Press, 1933).

17. Telephone interview with Mario G. Hoover, June 10, 1986.

18. John Thomas Nichol, The Pentecostals (rev. ed.; Plainfield, N.J.: Logos International, 1971), pp.51-53.

19. Cornelius van der Laan, "The Pentecostal Movement in Holland: Its Origin and Its International Position," Pneuma 5 (December 1983): 3035.

20. Grace D. Clementson, Charles Hamilton Pridgeon (Gibsonia, Pa.: Evangelization Society of the Pittsburgh Bible Institute, 1963).

21. The Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Missions: The Agencies, s.v. "Eastern European Mission," by Paul B. Peterson.

22. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal, p.114; cf. Paul A. Pomeiville, The Third Force in Missions (Pealedy, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1985), pp.47-52; Demos Shakarian, with John and Elizabeth Sherrill, The Happiest People of Earth (Old Tappan, N.J.: Chosen Books, 1975), pp. 1~0. Unfortunately, Pomerville relies heavily on secondary sources to prove his point; this has also been true of some other Pentecostal historians in their attempt to make this claim. Much more research needs to be done in this area.

23. Joseph E. Campbell, The Pentecostal Holiness Church: 1898-1948 (Franklin Springs, Ga.: Publishing House of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, 1951), pp. 344-59.

24. Charles W. Conn, Where the Saints Have Trod: A History of Church of God Missions (Cleveland, Tenn.: Pathway Press, 1959).

25. "Important Pentecostal Manifesto," Confidence, Aug. 15, 1908, p.9.

26. For more information, see Gary B. McGee, "Levi R. Lupton and the Ill-Fated Pentecostal Missionary Union in America," paper presented at the sixteenth meeting of the Society of Pentecostal Studies, Costa Mesa, California, Nov.14, 1986.

27. Ripening Harvest (Toronto: Overseas Missions Department of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, 1974).

28. Robert Bryant Mitchell, Heritage and Horizons: The History of Open Bible Standard Churches (Des Moines, Iowa: Open Bible Publishers, 1982).

29. Marion Meloon, Ivan Spencer: Willow in the Wind (Plainfield, N.J.:Logos International, 1974).

30. Gary B. McGee, This Gospel Shall Be Preached: A History and Theology of Assemblies of God Foreign Missions to 1959 (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1986).

31. Gordon Lindsay, God's 20th Century Barnabas (Dallas, Tex.: Christ for the Nations, reprint ed., 1982).

32. Loren Cunningham, is That Really You, God? (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Chosen Booi:s, 1984).

33. For an analysis of premillennialism in twentieth-century America that includes the perspectives of Pentecostals, see Dwight Wilson, Armageddon Now! The Premillenarian Response to Russia and Israel since 1917 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1977).

34. C. Peter Wagner has accurately portrayed the linkage between Pentecostal church growth in Latin America and the expectancy of signs and wonders, in Look Gut! The Pentecostals Are Coming (Carol Stream, Ill.: Creation House, 1973).

35. A discussion of the issue can be found in Donald Gee, Trophimus I '4t Sick (London: Elirn Publishing Co., 1952), pp. ~10.

36. Jimmy Swaggart, "Brother Swaggart, Here's My Question," The Evangelist, September 1986, pp. l~15.

37. Marvin Gonnan, "Slain in the Spirit," in Conference on the HolySpirit Digest, ed. Gwen Jones (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing Rouse, 1983), vol.2, pp. 3O(~305; Ezra Coppin, Slain in the Spirit (Harrison, Ark.: New Leaf Press, 1976); Tom Waggoner, Falling Under God's Power (Springfield, Mo.: Restoration, 1978).

38. Frank and Ida Mae Hammond, Pigs in the Parlor: A Practical Guide to Deliverance (Kirkwood, Mo.: Impact Books, 1973); cf., Can Born-Again Believers Be Demon-Possessed? (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1972). For the controversy over the word of knowledge and demon possession in the contemporary Signs and Wonders movement, see Tim Stafford, "Testing the Wine from John Wianber's Vineyard," Christianity Today, Aug. 8, 1986, pp.21-22.

39. General Council Minutes (Combined Minutes), 1914-l7, pp. 9-10; 1921, pp. 61-64.

40. The World Missions Department of the Church of God (Cleveland, Term.), however, continues to retain considerable control over its daughter churches abroad. See The World Missions Policy Manual (Cleveland, Tenn.: Pathway Press, 1984), pp. ~18, 21-29.

41. Pomeeville, The Third Force, p.69.

42. Maynard L. Ketcham, Pentecost in the Ganges Delta: Being an Account of the Birth and Development of the Assemblies of God Mission Work in Bengal, India (published by the author, 1945), p. 52.

43. Paul N. van der Laan, "Dynamics in Pentecostal Mission: A Dutch Perspective," International Review of Mission 297 (January 1986): 49; for the suggestions of a former Assemblies of God field director on relationships between missionaries and younger churches overseas, see Morris 0. Williams, Partnership in Mission (rev. ed.; Springfield, Mo.: by the author, 1986).

44. For Pentecostalism's contributions to twentieth-century Christianity, see Vinson Synan, "Pentecostalism: Varieties and Contributions," Pneuma 9 (Spring 1987); Peter Hocken, "The Significance and Potential of Pentecostalism," in New Heaven? New Earth? (Springfield, m.: Templegate Publishers, 1977), pp. 15-67.

 

Gary B. McGee is Associate Professor and Chairman, Bible and Theology Department, Assemblies of God, Theological Seminary, Springfield, Missouri.