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Spiritual awakenings and missionary zeal
have long been associated on the American religious scene. Whether one refers to
the Haystack Prayer Meeting, which led to the formation of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions (1810), or to the Mount Hermon Conference and
the later establishment of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions
(1888), spiritual renewals have triggered fresh attempts to fulfill the Great
Commission.
To these awakenings should be added the Azusa Street Revival of
190~9, in Los Angeles, California. Sparking one of the greatest spiritual
awakenings of the twentieth century, its long-range impact has resulted in
millions at home and overseas entering the ranks of the Christian church.
Oddly enough, it has been largely overlooked by most historians of the
expansion of Christianity. Notwithstanding, J. Herbert Kane, a prominent
evangelical missions scholar, has appropriately described this movement as
"the most vital force in world Christianity. Both here in North America
and throughout the world the Pentecostal churches are outstripping all
others as far as numerical growth is concerned.,'1 In view of
the spectacular number of Pentecostal Christians overseas, now numbering
in the tens of millions,2 an assessment of the impact of the
Azusa Street Revival, sometimes referred to as "the American Jerusalem,"
on world missions is appropriate in order to understand its distinctive
and contributions. 3
Doctrinal considerations weighed heavily in the events that led to the
revival. Concern for world evangelism in "the last days" before the
prernillennial coming of the Lord spurred many evangelical Christians to
pray ardently for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit to empower believers
for proclaiming the gospel.4 Holiness-oriented Christians,
maintaining that another definite work of grace in the believer's life
followed salvation (and for some, after an additional experience of
sanctification), looked for a mighty "baptism in the Holy Spirit" to
provide revolutionary apostolic power for Christian witnessing.<
Many viewed the Welsh Revival of 1904~05 and others that followed as
the beginning of this outpouring of the Spirit.5 For some, the
essential sign of the baptism in the Holy Spirit had become evident in
January 1901 during a revival at the Bethel Bible School in Topeka,
Kansas. The leader, Charles F. Parham, identified speaking in tongues as
the initial evidence for this baptism. To Parham and his students, the
prophecy of Joel (2:28~29) had been realized in their midst just as the
disciples had experienced the power of the Holy Spirit on the day of
Pentecost. This event, though covered by several newspapers in the region,
went largely unnoticed by the larger segment of the American population.
Parham and his followers took their message to other cities in Kansas and
Missouri. By 1905 he began to find more success and acceptance in Houston,
Texas.
The American Jerusalem
William J. Seymour, a black Holiness preacher and a student of Parham
(a white man) in Houston, carried the new message to Los Angeles and
became one of the key leaders in the Pentecostal revival, which occurred
in a former African Methodist Episcopal Church on Azusa Street.6
The revival proceeded non-stop for three years. Blacks and whites
worshiped together. Reports circulating from the revival noted that men,
women, and children received the Pentecostal baptism and spoke in other
tongues Singing, shouting, speaking in tongues, healings, deliverances,
and expectancy of Christ's imminent return characterized the services.
News of the revival traveled across the United States as the leaders of
the revival published thousands of copies of the Apostolic Faith (a newspaper distributed occasionally between
September 1906 and May 1908). From coast to coast, expectant believers
avidly read the testimonies and teachings in the pages of this and similar
periodicals.
Since others have chronicled the events at Azusa Street, our purpose
is to examine the revival's impact on world missions.' Three important
points need to be considered in this regard.
First, the participants at Azusa Street (Seymour, Florence Crawford,
A. C. Garr, et al.) considered their newfound tongues to be the languages
of the world. Hence one writer in the
Apostolic Faith reported "God has solved the missionary problem,
sending out new-tongued missionaries."8 Previously, Parham had
interpreted tongues in the same manner and this view gained currency among
many early Pentecostals. W. F. Carothers, the field representative for the
Apostolic Faith Movement from Zion City, Illinois, wrote cautiously 'circa
1906: Just what part the gift of tongues is to ifil in the
evangelization of heathen countries is matter [sic] for faith as yet. It
scarcely seems from the evidence at hand to have had much to do with
foreign mission work in New Testament times, and yet, in view of the
apparent utility of the gift In that sphere and of the wonderful
missionary spirit that comes with Pentecost, we are expecting the gift to
le copiously used in the foreign field. We shall soon know.9
Before 1908, however, it had become apparent to most that speaking
in tongues did not equip people to preach in other languages. Instead they
interpreted the phenomenon as being intercession and voicing the praises
of God in other languages. In spite of differences about the meaning of
the Pentecostal baptism in these early years, all agreed that it brought
the empowering of the Holy Spirit for Christian witness.
Second, those who attended the revival services believed that the
apostolic "signs and wonders" that had characterized the advance of the
early Christians in the book of Acts had been restored in the last days.
The gifts of the Spirit, including tongues, interpretations, prophesies,
and divine healings were given to aid in the advancement of the gospel.
This pneumatological emphasis, while rejected by many, constituted a
unique posture toward the Christian world mission.10 Reliance
was to be upon the Spirit, not the mechanical formulations of mission
strategists. Such a wholesale return to the apostolic pattern of
first-century Christianity was without parallel on the missionary
landscape in the early decades of this century.
Third, the enthusiasm for world evangelization spawned a Diaspora of
new missionaries even though the leaders of the revival did not organize
a missionary society. The urgency of thehour, reluctance to rely on the
support of a human agency, naiveté about conditions overseas, and the
desire to be completely directed by the Spirit may have been the causes
that discouraged the establishment of a mission agency.
Many individuals, recently equipped with the power of the Holy Spirit
and a new language, left Los Angeles and traveled overseas on "faith"
(without pledged support). Significantly, anyone--men and women, clergy
and laity, blacks and white-- could be called for this service.1
Those who went often returned disillusioned from their attempted
missionary work. Some, however, such as the A. G. Garrs, who traveled
first to India and then to China, remained abroad, learning the language
and culture of the people whom they wished to evangelize.12
Nevertheless, the initial dispersion of missionaries from Azusa Street is
significant for demonstrating the concern for world evangelism and the
leveling effect of the revival.
The real impact of the Azusa Street Revival on missions came through
others whom it influenced. Although he never visited the revival Thomas B.
Barratt learned of the happenings there through correspondence and
received his Pentecostal baptism in New York City. Henceforth, Barratt
returned home to Norway with the new message. He then carried it to
England, Sweden, and other European countries. Pentecostal missionaries
from these countries soon traveled overseas. 13
Other personalities touched by the revival included Cecil Polhill,
founder of the Pentecostal Missionary Union in Great Britain (l909); 14
Minnie T. Draper, Allan A. Swift, and Christian J. Lucas, founders
of the South and Central African Pentecostal Mission (1910); 15 William F. P.
Burton and James Salter, founders of the Congo Evangelistic Mission
(1915), now the Zaire Evangelistic Mission;16 Willis C.
Hoover, father of the Methodist Pentecostal Church in Chile (1910);~~
17 Daniel Berg,
Gunnar Vingren, Luigi Francescon, Nels Nelson, and Samuel Nystrom,
missionaries to Brazil (1910 and after);18 G. R. Polman,
organizer of the Pentecostal Mission Alliance in the Netherlands (1920);19 Charles Hamilton Pridgeon, director of the Evangelization Society of the
Pittsburgh Bible Institute (1920); 20 and Paul B.
Peterson, founder of the Russian and Eastern European Mission (1927).
21 While historian Vinson Synan proposes that "directly or
indirectly, practically all the Pentecostal groups in existence can trace
their lineage to the Azusa Mission," contemporary indigenous revivals did
occur overseas without its tutelage.22
The revival sparked Pentecostal awakenings among other believers
across the country concerned about fulfilling the Great Commission in the
last days. Among other places, significant revivals occurred in
Indianapolis, Indiana; Alliance, Ohio; Rochester and Nyack, New York;
Dunn, North Carolina; Portland, Oregon; and Toronto, Canada.
The Azusa Street Revival, though never directly resulting in the
founding of an organization or mission society, had long-term effects on
existing organizations and new ones that developed later. Holiness bodies
from the southeast such as the Pentecostal Holiness Church (1898),
23
the Church of God (Cleveland, Term.; 1886), and the Church of God in
Christ (1897) adopted the new Pentecostal theology after their leaders
were influenced by the events in Los Angeles.
Many independent Pentecostals across the nation, touched by the Los
Angeles revival (either through personal participation, hearing of it from
someone who had attended, or by the printed page), eventually organized to
achieve their goals more efficiently, including the goal of world
evangelism.
The first missionary manifesto among independent Pentecostals calling
for the establishment of a missionary society surfaced in 1908 at the
Pentecostal Camp Meeting in Alliance, Ohio, under the direction of Levi R.
Lupton, a Holiness Quaker who experienced the Pentecostal baptism in
December 1906. While those in attendance had no interest in establishing
another ecclesiastical organization, they asserted, "such an affiliation
of Pentecostal Missions is desirable as will preserve and increase the
tender sweet bond of love and fellowship now existing and guard against
abuse of legitimate liberty."
25 In the following year (1909), the Pentecostal Missionary
Union in the United States of America was formed, with headquarters in
Alliance. This effort, however, collapsed a year later.26
Nevertheless, whether through their own initiative or with the
encouragement of this agency, over 185 Pentecostals had traveled overseas
to engage in missionary evangelism by 1910.
Later successful denominational ventures resulted from the founding
and foreign-missions enterprises of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada
(1919), 27
Pentecostal Church of God (1919), International Church of the Foursquare
Gospel (1923), Open Bible Standard Churches (1935),28 and Elim Fellowship
(1947). 29 The largest
and most successful endeavor in Pentecostal foreign missions has been
that of the General Council of the Assemblies of God, organized at Hot
Springs, Arkansas, in 1914.
The largest and most successful endeavor in Pentecostal foreign missions
has been that of the General Council of the Assemblies of God, organized
at Hot Springs, Arkansas, in 1914.
30 In addition, independent and para-church ministries (among
others, Christ for the Nations,31 Youth with a Mission,32
Last Days Ministries, and Jimmy Swaggart Ministries) have also figured
prominently through the years.
Pentecostal Missions Mature
In the years following the Azusa Street Revival and the growth of
Pentecostal denominations and independent mission agencies, the efforts to
fulfill the Great Commission before the imminent return of Christ have
steadily increased.33 Indeed, this future expectation has
continued to spur zeal for overseas evangelism.
Reasons for success have included, but are not limited to, the
following factors. The first and foremost pattern of Pentecostal missions
has been the belief that New Testament Christianity can be restored and
that the same signs and wonders that followed the apostolic proclamation
of the gospel can be expected today. In this vein, Pentecostal periodicals
have reported thousands of miraculous happenings (healings, deliverances,
exorcisms) associated with missionary evangelism. Undoubtedly the emphasis
on the supernatural has proved to be one of the key elements.34
It is particularly in this arena that Pentecostal missions must be viewed
as a distinctive thrust in the Christian world mission of the twentieth
century.
It is also important to realize that while Pentecostals have sought
for signs and wonders in evangelism, they have left some related
theological issues unresolved. For example, questions about the
sovereignty of God and the role of signs and wonders in evangelism and
local congregations await further study and articulation.35
Even the modern-day manifestations of the gifts 6f the Spirit,
particularly the interpretation of tongues and the use of the word of
knowledge, produces disagreement among advocates.
Spiritual manifestations not specifically referred to in the New
Testament or mentioned as gifts of the Spirit have also stirred
discussion. Such experiences include "slain in the Spirit" (falling under
the power of the Spirit).37 and certain perspectives on
exorcism.38
The available literature on these subjects has often been largely
based on personal experience and lacking in exegetical precision. More
research needs to be done on these phenomena and their theological
foundations.
The second factor in growth is the gradual emergence over the past
eighty years of the articulation of a Pentecostal missiology to guide the
missionary enterprise. Though early Pentecostal missionaries often adopted
paternalistic approaches, the trend has been toward fostering indigenous
churches. In 1921, for example, the Assemblies of God formally committed
itself to planting self-governing, self-propagating, and self-supporting
churches abroad; this view of foreign missions had been present since the
earliest years of the organization.39
The orientation to the indigenous-church strategy probably stemmed in
part from the experience of independent Pentecostals who had often been
expelled from their former denominations and hence viewed ecclesiastical
structure with mistrust. Other influences included the writings of Roland
Allen (as well as other advocates of indigenous principles) and their
observation of largely independent congregations in the book of Acts
evangelizing their own vicinities. Generally, Pentecostal mission agencies
have followed the indigenous pattern.40 This strategy later
preserved the fruits of their overseas evangelism in the postcolonial
period.
Pentecostals have excelled as missionary practitioners over the years,
but have produced few theorists to weld their theology to missiology. The
most notable Pentecostal authority on foreign missions has been Melvin L.
Hodges (1909-88), former missionary to Central America and field director
for Latin America and the West Indies for the Assemblies of God. His
best-known book, The indigenous Church, advocated the application of indigenous
principles while at the same time emphasizing that the New Testament
church could be established only with the dynamic power of the Holy
Spirit. Hodges reveals a clear dependence on the writings of Allen. His
fullest exposition of a Pentecostal missiology came with the publication
of A Theology of the Church and its Mission (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel
Publishing House, 1977).
Paul A.Pomerville's The Third
Force in Missions (1985), represents another significant milestone in
the Pentecostal under-standing of Christian mission. In his opinion, the
role of the Holy Spirit in evangelical missions has been victimized by the
rationalistic orientation of Protestant scholasticism, which "represents
the theological roots of the silence of the Spirit in western missions.
The neglect and hemming in of the Spirit is part and parcel of that
theological tradition."45 This bold critique asserts that
Pentecostalism represents a biblical corrective to the teaching of the
kingdom of God held by many.
The third factor prompting growth during the past eighty years has
been the leveling influence of Pentecostalism. The minimizing of the
clergy laity barrier grew from the belief that the Pentecostal baptism
equips every believer for Christian witness. Maynard L. Ketcham, a
missionary to Bengal, India, taught in a primitive Bible institute and
wrote in 1945: "We are not seeking to make polished preachers who will
work for a salary. But we are seeking to properly indoctrinate converts
who have a call to minister to their fellow men. We want the lay members
of all our churches to be in a position to effectually witness so that
each church will be a growing church."42 Therefore, it is not
by accident that a Pentecostal organization, the Assemblies of God, has
led all other mission agencies in sponsoring overseas theological
institutions designed to train national workers. Creative approaches to
training have also included the Brazilian Extension School of Theology,
the International Correspondence Institute headquartered in Brussels,
Belgium, and the Christian Training Network based in Miami, Florida.
In addition, Pentecostals have not apologized for the fact that their
faith, emphasis on the manifestation of the gifts of the Spirit, and
enthusiastic worship have often appealed to the poor rather than to the
middle and upper classes, particularly in the third world.
Missionary education, the fourth reason for growth, has progressed
from a lack of missiological training, based on an unhealthy suspicion
held by some that education might dampen the power of the Spirit in one's
ministry, to the development of programs in Bible institutes and colleges
providing instruction to prospective missionaries. Finally it has advanced
to the level of graduate missiological training provided at such
institutions as the Assemblies of God Theological Seminary (1973),
California Theological Seminary (1983), CBN University (1977), Church of
God School of Theology (1975), and Oral Roberts University (1965). For
continuing educati6n, the Assemblies of God has sponsored an annual School
of Missions since 1959 for veteran missionaries and a Pre-Field
Orientation for new recruits. These developments in training reflect the
growing sophistication of Pentecostal mission agencies.
The fifth factor in growth is that the successful pursuit of their
objective to evangelize the world has required Pentecostals to take a
pragmatic attitude toward organizational development. As their overseas
efforts grew, adrninistrative personnel and policies increased. The
introduction of strategic planning (overseas theological training,
evangelistic crusades, coordinated activities with national church
organizations) demonstrated the need for teamwork over individual
initiatives.
Despite these changes, Pentecostals have insisted that the key to
success in overseas evangelism and in building the indigenous church has
been dependence on the "leading" and dynamic power of the Holy Spirit.
This perspective represents the heart of Pentecostal expansion, although
maintaining the balance between human planning and individual direction by
the Spirit has sometimes been difficult and generated tensions between
agency boards and personnel.43
A Distinctive Movement
Although having considerable theological affinity with other
conservative Christians, Pentecostalism has proclaimed a distinctive
pneumatology. With the dose of the "Great Century" in Christian missions
in 1914, the concomitant emergence of the Pentecostal missionary
expansion resulting from the Azusa Street Revival has represented a fresh
and distinctive thrust in mission activities of worldwide significance,
which must not be relegated to the periphery of evangelical mission
efforts.44 Its pneumatological emphasis, coupled with the
successful application of indigenous-church principles, has challenged
other Christians to reassess their own missiological perspectives.
The history of Pentecostalism cannot be properly understood apart from
its vision for overseas evangelism. While not without mistakes and
failures in the past eighty years, Pentecostal mission efforts have
nevertheless raced to catch up with the strategy of the Spirit: "You will
receive power when the Holy Spirit comes on you; and you will be my
witnesses. . . to the ends of the earth" (Acts 1:8, N.I.V.).
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1. J. Herbert Kane, The Christian World Mission: Today and
Tonsorrow (Grand Rapids, Mid'.: Baker Book House, 1981), p.261.
2. David B. Barrett, ed., World Christian Encyclopedia (New
York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), p.838.
3. Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Mooement in
the United States (Grand Rapids, Mid'.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,
1971), p.95.
4. Robert Mapes Anderson, Vision of the
Disinherited: The Making of Madern Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford
Univ. Press, 1979), pp. 79~84.
5. J. Edwin Orr. The Flaming Tongue: Evangelical
Awakenings (Chicago:Moody Press, 1973), pp.6568.
6. Douglas J. Nelson, "For Such a Time as This: The
Story of Bishop William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival." Ph.D.
dissertation, Univ. of Binningham, England, 1981.
7. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal, pp. 9~116; Anderson,
Vision, pp.62-78.
8. Apostolic Faith, November 1906, p.2.
9. W. F. Carothers, The Baptism with the Holy Ghost and
the Speik:ing in Tongues (Zion City, Ill.: By the author, 190~7), p.21.
10. See Donald Gee, "Spiritual Gifts and World
Evangelization," in Azusa Street and Beyond, ed. L. Grant McClu.ng,
Jr. (South Hamilton, N.J.: Bridge Publishing, 1986).
11. Unfortunately, the racial harmony at the Azusa Street
Revival diminished in the years that followed. See Synan, The
Holiness-Pentecostal, pp. l65~84.
12. Betty Gann, comp., The Trailblazer: The History of Dr.
A. G. Garr and the Garr Auditorium (Charlotte, N.C.: Garr Memorial Church,
1985).
13. Donald Gee, The Pentecostal Movement: including the
Story of the War Years (19~1947) (rev. ed.; London: Elirn Publishing Co.,
1949), pp. 11-59, 9~110.
14. Cecil Poihill, "P.M.U.," Confidence, November
1909, pp. 25~54.
15. Gary B. McGee, "Three Notable Women in Pentecostal
Ministry," Assemblies of God Heritage, Spring 1986, pp. ~5.
16. William F. P. Burton, God Working with Them: Being
Eighteen Years of Congo Evangelistic Mission History (London: Victory Press,
1933).
17. Telephone interview with Mario G. Hoover, June 10, 1986.
18. John Thomas Nichol, The Pentecostals (rev. ed.;
Plainfield, N.J.: Logos International, 1971), pp.51-53.
19. Cornelius van der Laan, "The Pentecostal Movement in
Holland: Its Origin and Its International Position," Pneuma 5
(December 1983): 3035.
20. Grace D. Clementson, Charles Hamilton Pridgeon (Gibsonia,
Pa.: Evangelization Society of the Pittsburgh Bible Institute, 1963).
21. The Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Missions: The
Agencies, s.v. "Eastern European Mission," by Paul B. Peterson.
22. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal, p.114; cf. Paul
A. Pomeiville, The Third Force in Missions (Pealedy, Mass.: Hendrickson
Publishers, 1985), pp.47-52; Demos Shakarian, with John and Elizabeth Sherrill,
The Happiest People of Earth (Old Tappan, N.J.: Chosen Books, 1975), pp.
1~0. Unfortunately, Pomerville relies heavily on secondary sources to prove his
point; this has also been true of some other Pentecostal historians in their
attempt to make this claim. Much more research needs to be done in this area.
23. Joseph E. Campbell, The Pentecostal Holiness
Church: 1898-1948 (Franklin Springs, Ga.: Publishing House of the
Pentecostal Holiness Church, 1951), pp. 344-59.
24. Charles W. Conn, Where the Saints Have Trod: A History
of Church of God Missions (Cleveland, Tenn.: Pathway Press, 1959).
25. "Important Pentecostal Manifesto," Confidence,
Aug. 15, 1908, p.9.
26. For more information, see Gary B. McGee, "Levi R.
Lupton and the Ill-Fated Pentecostal Missionary Union in America," paper
presented at the sixteenth meeting of the Society of Pentecostal Studies, Costa
Mesa, California, Nov.14, 1986.
27. Ripening Harvest (Toronto: Overseas Missions
Department of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, 1974).
28. Robert Bryant Mitchell, Heritage and Horizons: The
History of Open Bible Standard Churches (Des Moines, Iowa: Open Bible
Publishers, 1982).
29. Marion Meloon, Ivan Spencer: Willow in the Wind (Plainfield,
N.J.:Logos International, 1974).
30. Gary B. McGee, This Gospel Shall Be Preached: A
History and Theology of Assemblies of God Foreign Missions to 1959 (Springfield,
Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1986).
31. Gordon Lindsay, God's 20th Century Barnabas (Dallas,
Tex.: Christ for the Nations, reprint ed., 1982).
32. Loren Cunningham, is That Really You, God? (Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Chosen Booi:s, 1984).
33. For an analysis of premillennialism in twentieth-century
America that includes the perspectives of Pentecostals, see Dwight Wilson, Armageddon
Now! The Premillenarian Response to Russia and Israel since 1917 (Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1977).
34. C. Peter Wagner has accurately portrayed the linkage
between Pentecostal church growth in Latin America and the expectancy of signs
and wonders, in Look Gut! The Pentecostals Are Coming (Carol
Stream, Ill.: Creation House, 1973).
35. A discussion of the issue can be found in Donald Gee, Trophimus
I '4t Sick (London: Elirn Publishing Co., 1952), pp. ~10.
36. Jimmy Swaggart, "Brother Swaggart, Here's My
Question," The Evangelist, September 1986, pp. l~15.
37. Marvin Gonnan, "Slain in the Spirit," in Conference
on the HolySpirit Digest, ed. Gwen Jones (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel
Publishing Rouse, 1983), vol.2, pp. 3O(~305; Ezra Coppin, Slain in the Spirit
(Harrison, Ark.: New Leaf Press, 1976); Tom Waggoner, Falling Under God's
Power (Springfield, Mo.: Restoration, 1978).
38. Frank and Ida Mae Hammond, Pigs in the Parlor: A
Practical Guide to Deliverance (Kirkwood, Mo.: Impact Books, 1973); cf., Can
Born-Again Believers Be Demon-Possessed? (Springfield, Mo.: Gospel
Publishing House, 1972). For the controversy over the word of knowledge and
demon possession in the contemporary Signs and Wonders movement, see Tim
Stafford, "Testing the Wine from John Wianber's Vineyard," Christianity
Today, Aug. 8, 1986, pp.21-22.
39. General Council Minutes (Combined Minutes), 1914-l7, pp.
9-10; 1921, pp. 61-64.
40. The World Missions Department of the Church of God
(Cleveland, Term.), however, continues to retain considerable control over its
daughter churches abroad. See The World Missions Policy Manual (Cleveland,
Tenn.: Pathway Press, 1984), pp. ~18, 21-29.
41. Pomeeville, The Third Force, p.69.
42. Maynard L. Ketcham, Pentecost in the Ganges Delta:
Being an Account of the Birth and Development of the Assemblies of God Mission
Work in Bengal, India (published by the author, 1945), p. 52.
43. Paul N. van der Laan, "Dynamics in Pentecostal
Mission: A Dutch Perspective," International Review of Mission 297
(January 1986): 49; for the suggestions of a former Assemblies of God field
director on relationships between missionaries and younger churches overseas,
see Morris 0. Williams, Partnership in Mission (rev. ed.; Springfield,
Mo.: by the author, 1986).
44. For Pentecostalism's contributions to twentieth-century
Christianity, see Vinson Synan, "Pentecostalism: Varieties and
Contributions," Pneuma 9 (Spring 1987); Peter Hocken, "The
Significance and Potential of Pentecostalism," in New Heaven? New Earth?
(Springfield, m.: Templegate Publishers, 1977), pp. 15-67.
Gary B. McGee is Associate Professor and Chairman, Bible and
Theology Department, Assemblies of God, Theological Seminary, Springfield,
Missouri.
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